A Review and Analysis of Research Studies Which Assessed Sexual Preference of Children
Raised by Homosexuals
By Trayce Hansen, Ph.D.
I conducted a review of all the studies I could locate which assessed sexual preference
in homosexually parented children. I had only two criteria for inclusion in my review:
First, the authors of the study had to be pro-homosexual researchers, otherwise I
was concerned that critics would simply disregard the results. And second, I only
sought studies that utilized subjects 18 years of age or older, since many individuals
don't self-identify as non-heterosexual until after that age (Patterson, 1992). Unfortunately,
few studies met the minimum 18-years-of-age criteria. So, in order to maximize the
number of studies in my survey, I included studies with subjects as young as 14 years
of age. Because of the inclusion of studies with such young subjects, the reported
percentages of non-heterosexual children may be under-estimates.
Pro-homosexual researchers frequently claim studies find "no differences" between
children raised by homosexuals and heterosexuals. Amazingly, these claims are made
in the abstracts of research studies that actually uncovered differences (Williams,
2000). The tendency to deny or downplay differences has been noted by pro-homosexual
parenting researchers. After reviewing 21 studies, Stacey and Biblarz (2001) concluded
that in regards to gender, sexual behavior and sexual preference, homosexually parented
children are different from heterosexually parented children. But despite such findings,
many continue to proclaim "no differences" in order to galvanize support for homosexual
access to fertility services, adoption, custody, and same-sex marriage. Encouraging
support for a cause is fine, as long as the information being disseminated is true.
But in this case, it isn't.
Other researchers have reviewed homosexual parenting studies in general and concluded
that they're either too problematic to make definitive claims (Belcastro, Gramlich,
Nicholson, Price, and Wilson, 1993; Baumrind, 1995) or so methodologically flawed
that no conclusions can be drawn (Lerner and Nagai, 2001)
Pro-homosexual parenting researchers and other activists can't have it both ways.
Either the findings of these studies are valid and homosexual parents are more likely
to raise non-heterosexual children, or these studies aren't valid and assertions
of "no difference" can't be made.
I think that although these studies can't be used to make definitive statements,
they are suggestive that homosexual parents are rearing disproportionate numbers
of non-heterosexual children. This isn't surprising since parents are the primary
influencers of children. Children raised by parents with different lifestyles, values,
and attributes, are likely to be different from other children (Baumrind 1995). Stacey
and Biblarz (2001) wrote, "... it is difficult to conceive of a credible theory of
sexual development that would not expect the adult children of lesbigay parents to
display a somewhat higher incidence of homoerotic desire, behavior, and identity
than children of heterosexual parents."
Finally, and perhaps most importantly, the methodological flaws in the existing homosexual-parenting
studies (including small, non-representative samples, lack of control groups, and
non-longitudinal designs) highlight the need for scientifically rigorous and unbiased
research, so that more definitive conclusions concerning sexual and gender identity
outcomes of homosexually parented children can be drawn. In the meantime, we look
to existing studies for suggestive trends.
The Review:
This review is a survey of nine studies that met the previously delineated criteria.
The findings are limited by the weaknesses, limitations, and problems already described
(Belcastro, et. al., 1993; Baumrind, 1995; Lerner and Nagai, 2001). It is descriptive
in nature and offered for general informational purposes only.
Based on the average found in the following nine studies, 14% of children raised
by homosexual parents develop homosexual or bisexual preferences. These studies reported
rates of non-heterosexuality ranging from 8% to 21%. The most frequently reported
percentages were 14% and 16% (two studies each). For comparison purposes, data from
the best national surveys report that approximately 2% of the general population
is non-heterosexual (Laumann, Gagnon, Michael, and Michaels,1994). Therefore, if
these percentages hold true in better designed studies, children raised by homosexuals
appear to be about seven times more likely to develop homosexual or bisexual preferences
than children raised by heterosexuals. And, as was explained earlier, 14% may be
an under-estimate due to the young ages of many of the subjects in these studies.
The nine studies surveyed are reviewed below and include the authors' abstracts or
descriptions provided by others, followed by my own comments and/or analysis. They
are presented in alphabetical order.
Bailey, J. M., Bobrow, D., Wolfe, M, & Mikach, S. (1995). Sexual orientation of adult
sons of gay fathers. Developmental Psychology, 31(1), 124-129.
Authors' Abstract:
"The sexual development of children of gay and lesbian parents is interesting for
both scientific and social reasons. The present study is the largest to date to focus
on the sexual orientation of adult sons of gay men. From advertisements in gay publications,
55 gay or bisexual men were recruited who reported on 82 sons at least 17 years of
age. More than 90% of sons whose sexual orientation could be rated were heterosexual.
Furthermore, gay and heterosexual sons did not differ on potentially relevant variables
such as length of time they had lived with their fathers. Results suggest that any
environmental influence of gay fathers on their sons' sexual orientation is not large."
My Comments:
This study used two methods for rating non-heterosexuality in adult sons of homosexual
fathers. First, they asked fathers to rate whether their sons were heterosexual or
non-heterosexual. Fathers who reported being at least "virtually certain" of their
son's sexual preference, reported that seven out of 75 sons, or 9%, were non-heterosexual.
It should be noted that two sons whose fathers were only "moderately certain" their
sons were non-heterosexual were excluded from the analysis. If those two sons had
been included the percentage of non-heterosexual sons would have risen to 12%. The
second method used to assess the number of non-heterosexual sons of homosexual fathers
was self-report by the sons. Of the 43 sons who rated themselves, six out of 43,
or 14% self-identified as non-heterosexual. Certainly, the percentage of non-heterosexual
sons is best ascertained by the report of the sons themselves, therefore the 14%
figure likely is the more accurate measure for this sample. In their discussion,
the authors acknowledge that based on several large-scale, population-based surveys
"it could be argued, the rate of homosexuality in the sons (9%) is several times
higher than that suggested by the population-based surveys." And, the 14% figure
of self-identified non-heterosexual sons is higher still. Note how the authors' own
abstract downplays those findings.
Bozett, F.W. (1988). Social control of identity of children of gay fathers. Western
Journal of Nursing Research, 10(5), 550-565.
Bozett's Demographic Description:
[Bozette's study included] "19 subjects, 13 females and 6 males, representing 14
gay fathers. Children's ages ranged from 14 to 35; 9 were in their teens, 6 in their
20s, and 4 were between 30 and 35. All of the children were biological, except 1
who was adopted at the age of 2 by a single man. Two of the six males identified
themselves as gay, 1 female said she was bisexual, and the remainder of the women
reported they were heterosexual."
My Comments:
Overall, 16% of those in Bozett's sample self-identified as non-heterosexual, a figure
eight times higher than the national average. Additionally, many theorists believe
that there may be differential impacts on homosexually-parented children depending
on the sex of the homosexual parent and the sex of the child. So, perhaps most dramatic
among Bozett's findings is the fact that 33% of the male children of homosexual fathers
identified themselves as homosexual. And, these results may be an under-estimate
because nearly half of Bozette's subjects were teenagers who may eventually label
themselves as non-heterosexual.
Goldberg, A. (2007). (How) does it make a difference? Perspectives of adults with
lesbian, gay, and bisexual parents. American Journal of Orthopsychiatry, 77(4), 550-562.
The Author's Abstract:
"Few studies have addressed the experiences or perceptions of adult children of lesbian,
gay, and bisexual (LGB) parents. In this study, 46 adult children of LGB parents
were interviewed, and their perceptions of how growing up with LGB parents influenced
them as adults were examined. Qualitative analysis revealed that adults felt that
they were more tolerant and open-minded and had more flexible ideas about gender
and sexuality as a function of growing up with LGB parents. Participants often felt
protective of their parents and the gay community, and some went to great efforts
to defend them to peers, family members, and society. Some participants struggled
with issues of trust in adulthood, which they related to the experience of their
parents' unexpected coming out, as well as to experiences of teasing and bullying.
The importance of understanding these findings in the context of societal heterosexism
is discussed."
My Comments:
The subjects in Goldberg's study ranged in age from 19 to 50. In this study, 91%
of them believed that having non-heterosexual parents "influenced their ideas about
gender and relationships," and "felt having LGB parents had led them to develop less
rigid and more flexible notions and ideas about sexuality and gender." Based on those
beliefs, it's not surprising that 17% of Goldberg's subjects identified themselves
as non-heterosexual (lesbian, bisexual or gender-queer). Goldberg summed up her findings
and the findings of others by stating that children of LGB parents are "socialized
to question rigid and confining notions of sexuality and gender and to view a range
of sexual and gender identities as appropriate...." Goldberg's study lends direct
support to the belief offered by other researchers (Baumrind, 1995; Stacey & Biblarz,
2001) that the sexual attitudes and lifestyles of parents do influence the attitudes
and lifestyles of their children.
Golombok, S. & Tasker, F. (1996). Do parents influence the sexual orientation of
their children? Findings from a longitudinal study of lesbian families. Developmental
Psychology, 32, 3-11.
The Authors' Abstract:
"Findings are presented of a longitudinal study of the sexual orientation of adults
who had been raised as children in lesbian families. Twenty-five children of lesbian
mothers and a control group of 21 children of heterosexual single mothers were first
seen at age 9.5 years on average, and again at age 23.5 years of age. Standardized
interviews were used to obtain data on sexual orientation from the young adults in
the follow-up study, and on family characteristics and children's gender role behavior
from the mothers and their children in the initial study. Although those from lesbian
families were more likely to explore same-sex relationships, particularly if their
childhood family environment was characterized by an openness and acceptance of lesbian
and gay relationships, the large majority of children who grew up in lesbian families
identified as heterosexual."
My Comments:
Although flawed, this study is considered one of the best crafted studies assessing
differences between homosexually and heterosexually parented children because of
its longitudinal design (Williams, 2000). This study found that 8% of the adult children
raised by lesbian parents self-identified as non-heterosexual, but in order to be
coded as non-heterosexual in this study, the adult child had to currently identify
as non-heterosexual and commit to a future identity as a non-heterosexual—a very
unusual method for coding non-heterosexuality. Using such a method likely led to
some individuals who currently self-identified as non-heterosexual not being counted
as such. However, the unusual coding method may explain another of this study's findings.
When you examine the Kinsey Ratings listed in Table 2, a total of 16% of the participants
indicated bisexual or homosexual levels of sexual attraction. If you compare the
two groups (children raised by lesbians versus children raised by heterosexuals)
using the 16% figure, there are significant differences between the groups (Throckmorton,
2004). The authors didn't mention this point or offer any explanations or comments
about it. Nonetheless, 16% of those reared by lesbians had homosexual or bisexual
levels of same-sex attraction, while 0% of the children of heterosexuals did. That's
16% compared to 0%. Additionally, 67% of the children from lesbian family backgrounds
said that they had "previously considered, or thought it a future possibility, that
they might experience same-gender attraction or have a same-gender sexual relationship
or both" compared to 14% of children from heterosexual families. That's 67% compared
to 14%. And finally, 24% of the homosexually parented young adults had actually experienced
one or more homosexual sexual relationships, while none of the young adults reared
by heterosexuals had. That's 24% compared to 0%. And finally, if you subtract 16%
(the percentage of adult-children in this sample who are sexually attracted to members
of their own sex) from 24% (the percentage of adult-children in this sample who actually
engaged in a homosexual relationship) you have 8%. That means 8% of this sample of
adult-children reared by lesbians had a homosexual relationship even though they
weren't sexually attracted to same-sex partners.
Clearly, this study uncovered several striking differences between homosexually and
heterosexually parented children. And those differences are in keeping with the belief
that homosexual parents can and do influence the sexual behavior of their children.
But despite the many intriguing differences revealed between the two groups in this
study, the authors' abstract either downplays or omits them. Moreover, this study
is often cited by pro-homosexual researchers as showing that there are no differences
between children reared by homosexuals versus others.
Hays, D.& Samuels, A. (1989). Heterosexual women's perceptions of their marriages
to bisexual or homosexual men. In F. Bozett (Ed.), Homosexuality and the family (pp.
81-100). New York: Harrington Park Press.
The Authors' Summary (in part):
"Twenty-one heterosexual women who were or had been married to bisexual or homosexual
men and had children by them responded to a 28-page questionnaire that explored their
experiences as wives and mothers..."
My Comments:
Hays and Samuels found that approximately 12% of the children in their sample who
were 16-years-old or older were reported by their mothers to be homosexual. Unfortunately,
the authors didn't report a gender breakdown of the non-heterosexual children, so
assessment of differences between boys and girls of non-heterosexual fathers couldn't
be calculated. And, the reported percentage of non-heterosexual children was based
on the mothers' reports, though self-reports by the children would have been preferable.
This was another study that may have under-estimated the numbers of non-heterosexual
children due to the young ages of many of its subjects.
Haack-Moller, A. & Mohl, H. (1984). Born af lesbiske modre [Children of lesbian mothers].
Dansk Psykolog Nyt, 38, 316-318.
Description of Haack-Moller & Mohl's Study:
Haack-Moller and Mohl did a 10 year follow-up study of children raised by lesbian
mothers. The original study was conducted by Nini Leick and John Nielsen. Haack-Moller
and Mohl were able to contact 13 of the original 15 children and all 13 agreed to
be re-interviewed. The sample of children consisted of 6 boys and 7 girls ranging
in age from 14 to 31. Of this small sample, 1 child of a lesbian mother was reported
as having a homosexual preference, representing 8% of the total.
Haack-Moller and Mohl stated that the mothers' lesbianism had been problematic for
the children. Overall, it was most difficult for the sons, although children of both
sexes reported negative reactions and problems with peers. Moreover, all of the children
had, at one time, expressed the wish for a father and "a real family."
My Comments:
Another small sample utilizing children as young as 14, thereby increasing the chances
that 8% is an under-estimate of the true percentage of non-heterosexuals in this
sample. Unfortunately, the sex of the one homosexual child was not identified so
assessment of differing impacts on sons versus daughters can't be explored.
Miller, B. (1979). Gay fathers and their children. The Family Coordinator, 28(4),
544-552.
The Author's Abstract:
"Depth interviews were conducted with a snowball sample of 40 gay fathers and 14
of their children. Questions addressed the nature and quality of the fathering as
experienced by both the men and their offspring. Four issues often raised in gay
parent custody cases are examined. Data indicate that notions about gay fathers'
compensatory behavior, molestation of children, negative influence on child development,
and instigation of harassment are largely unfounded. The father's "coming out" to
his children tends to relieve family tension and strengthen the father-child bond."
My Comments:
The children of homosexual fathers in this study ranged in age from 14 to 33 years
old. Based on the fathers' reports, 8% of the children were homosexual. However,
14% of the children who were directly interviewed identified themselves as homosexual.
Again, self-reports are more reliable than parental reports. And, this is another
study that included children under 18 years of age, a group more likely to include
individuals who won't self-identify as non-heterosexual until later in life. Unfortunately,
the author doesn't offer an age breakdown, so the percentage of children in the under-18-years-of-age
category isn't known.
O'Connell, A. (1993). Voices from the heart: The developmental impact of a mother's
lesbianism on her adolescent children. Smith College Studies in Social Work, 63,
281-299.
The Author's Abstract:
"This article is based upon a study exploring the impact of a divorced mother's lesbian
orientation on her children, as they experience adolescence within a homophobic culture.
Sexual identity issues and friendships are highlighted. Findings indicate profound
loyalty and protectiveness toward the mother, openness to diversity, and sensitivity
to the effects of prejudice. Subjects reported strong needs for peer affiliation
and perceived secrecy regarding mother's lesbianism as necessary for relationship
maintenance. Other concerns, abating over time, were unrealized fears of male devaluation
and homosexuality. Pervasive sadness about the parental breakup remained and wishes
for family reunification were relinquished when mother "came out."
My Comments:
O'Connell's sample was very small, consisting of just six young women (ages 16 -
23) and five young men (ages 19 - 23). Nine percent of O'Connell's sample self-identified
as non-heterosexual. The two major concerns expressed by the children following their
mother's disclosure of homosexuality was "confusion about homosexuality and the fear
of becoming homosexual." Additionally, many of the children also openly verbalized
"feelings of anger, disappointment, and resentment." O'Connell also thought it likely
that "the road to a stable sexual identity contained some experiences that made for
a different experience [for these children] than for their peers... " Unfortunately,
O'Connell doesn't expound on that theory.
Paul, J.P. (1986). Growing up with a gay, lesbian, or bisexual parent: an exploratory
study of experiences and perceptions. Unpublished doctoral dissertation, University
of California at Berkley, Berkeley, CA.
Description of Paul's Dissertation by Patterson (1992):
"A study involving interviews with the young adult sons and daughters of lesbian,
gay, or bisexual parents was reported by Paul (1986). In the interview, respondents
(aged 18-28 years) were asked to report on their own sexual orientation. Of the 34
respondents, two identified themselves as bisexual, three identified themselves as
lesbians, and two as gay men. Thus, about 15% of the sample identified themselves
as gay or lesbian. Again, this figure was within the normal range of variability
in the population."
My Comments:
Although 15% of Paul's sample did self-identify as gay or lesbian, another 6% identified
themselves as bisexual. It seems odd that even though bisexual parents were included
and counted as such, bisexual children were excluded from the total quoted above.
The reason Patterson omitted bisexual children from the total isn't known. But, regardless
of the reason, 21% of Paul's sample of young adults raised by non-heterosexual parents
identified themselves as non-heterosexual. Moreover, Patterson's comment that the
15% finding was "within the normal range of variability in the population" is not
explained. As has been previously described, the most accurate figures to date are
that approximately 2% of the general population is non-heterosexual. So, even if
comparing just the lower figure of 15%, Paul's sample of non-heterosexuals is 7.5
times higher than would be expected, while the 21% figure is 10.5 times higher.
Brief Summary of Review and Final Comments:
The preceding nine studies suggest that children raised by homosexual or bisexual
parents are approximately 7 times more likely than the general population to develop
a non-heterosexual sexual preference. These findings are not surprising. Referring
to work by Ford and Beach, Amy Butler (2005) of the University of Iowa wrote, "...
sexual behavior, including the gender of one's preferred sexual partner, is largely
socially learned. Children are taught at an early age how to express their sexual
urges by being rewarded for approved activities and punished for socially disapproved
behavior." Obviously, non-heterosexual parents would be more accepting of non-heterosexual
behavior on the part of their children. And, in fact, studies have revealed that
some lesbian mothers actually prefer that their daughters become lesbian and many
of their daughters reportedly know it (Tasker and Golombok, 1997). Butler (2005)
concludes, "Findings from anthropological and sociological research and from twin
studies indicate that there is a substantial [emphasis mine] environmental component
to whether a person takes a same-sex sexual partner...." Being raised by a parent
who exhibits or endorses non-heterosexual behavior would certainly be considered
a potent environmental force, and thus the fact that a disproportionate number of
homosexually parented children develop same-sex attractions shouldn't be surprising
to anyone.
Following their review of 21 studies, pro-homosexual parenting researchers Stacey
and Biblarz (2001) concluded: "Children with lesbigay parents appear less traditionally
gender-typed and more likely to be open to homoerotic relationships...The evidence,
while scanty and underanalyzed, hints that parental sexual orientation is positively
associated with the possibility that children will be more likely to attain a similar
orientation." Ann Pelligrini, associate Professor at NYU put it more bluntly, "queer
families are going to produce queer kids" (Bronski, 2001).
When Stacey and Biblarz (2001) revealed that the "no difference" research had actually
uncovered differences between children raised by homosexual and heterosexual parents,
Paula Ettlebrick of the National Gay and Lesbian Task Force said that they had "burst
the bubble of one of the best kept community secrets." Keeping that secret has proven
to be a wise strategy that has served the homosexual community well, influencing
both court decisions and public opinion (Clarke, 2002).
The purpose of this review is to ensure that research findings regarding outcomes
for homosexually parented children are honestly and forthrightly revealed to the
public. Although greatly flawed, the research studies we have to date suggest that
non-heterosexuals are far more likely to raise non-heterosexual children than heterosexuals.
If long-standing sociopolitical opinions and legal restrictions regarding homosexual
parenting are to be changed, it's only right it be done by a fully informed citizenry.
Additional References:
Baumrind, D. (1995). Commentary on sexual orientation: Research and social policy
implications. Developmental Psychology, 31 (1), 130-136.
Belcastro, P.A., Gramlich, T., Nocholson, T., Price, J., & Wilson, R. (1993). A review
of the data based studies addressing the effects of homosexual parenting on children's
sexual and social functioning. Journal of Divorce and Remarriage, 20 (1/2), 105-122.
Bronski, M. (2001). "Queer as your Folks: A New Study says Gay Parents Create Gay
Kids. How Will This Research be Used by Conservatives and Liberals?" The Boston Phoenix,
August 21, 2001.
Butler, A. C. (2005). Gender differences in same-sex sexual partnering, 1988-2002.
Social Forces, 84, 41-449.
Clarke, V. (2002). Sameness and difference in research on lesbian parenting. Journal
of Community & Applied Social Psychology, 12, 210-222.
Lauman E.O., Gagnon, J.H., Michael, R.T., & Michaels, S. (1994). The social organization
of sexuality: Sexual practices in the United States. Chicago: University of Chicago
Press.
Lerner, R. & Nagai, A. (2001). No Basis: What the studies don't tell you about same-sex
parenting. Washington, DC: Marriage Law Project.
Patterson, C.J. (1992). Children of lesbian and gay parents. Child Development, 63,
1025-1042.
Stacey, J. & Biblarz, T.J. (2001). (How) does the sexual orientation of parents matter?
American Sociological Review, 66, 159-183.
Throckmorton, W. (2004). "Do Parents Influence the Sexual Preference of Children?"
Available on the web at www.drthrockmorton.com.
References Related to the Non-Genetic Basis of Homosexuality:
Bailey, J.M., Dunne, M.P., & Martin, N.G. (2000). Genetic and environmental influences
on sexual orientation and its correlates in an Australian twin sample. Journal of
Personality and Social Psychology, 78 (3), 524-536.
Bailey is a well-known pro-genetic-basis-for-homosexuality researcher, but as a result
of this study Bailey and colleagues wrote, "ours did not provide statistically significant
support for the importance of genetic factors for [sexual orientation]."
Bearman, P.S., & Bruckner, H. (2002). Opposite-sex twins and adolescent same-sex
attraction. American Journal of Sociology, 107 (5), 1179-1205.
Bearman and Bruckner found no support for a genetic influence, but did find support
for a socialization model of male homosexuality.
Council for Responsible Genetics (2006). "Brief on Sexual Orientation and Genetic
Determinism." Available on the web at www.gene-watch.org.
"... to date, no conclusive link between genetics and sexual orientation has been
found."
Mustanski, B.S., Dupree, M.G., Nievergelt, C.M., Bocklandt, S., Schork, N.J., & Hamer,
D.H. (2005). A genomewide scan of male sexual orientation. Human Genetics, 116 (4),
272-278.
Mustanski and colleagues, including Dean Hamer (another well-known pro-genetic-basis-for-homosexuality
researcher), found no part of the entire human
genome linked in any statistically significant way to male homosexuality.
Whitehead, N.E. & Whitehead, B. (originally published in 1999). "My Genes Made Me
Do It! - A Scientific Look at Sexual Orientation." Constantly updated and available
on the web at www.mygenes.co.nz.
Dr. Neil Whitehead is a research scientist who has authored over 120 published scientific
papers. This current book is based on a comprehensive 13 year review of over 10,000
scientific papers and publications on homosexuality. Whitehead writes, "Geneticists,
anthropologists, developmental psychologists, sociologists, endocrinologists, neuroanatomists,
medical researchers into gender, and twin study researchers are in broad agreement
about the role of genetics in homosexuality. Genes don't make you do it. There is
no genetic determinism, and genetic influence at most is minor."
Reference for a General Understanding of Behavioral Genetics:
Baker, C. (2004). "Behavioral Genetics." Available on the web at www.aaas.org. Washington
D.C: American Association for the Advancement of Science (AAAS). The AAAS also publishes
the journal Science.
"So when next you see an article that proclaims, "Gene for [insert human behavior
here] discovered," read it with a critical eye... The pervasive role of genes in
behavior does not mean what it is commonly misunderstood to mean. It does not mean
that a gene or even several genes can make you act in any particular way. It does
not mean that a behavior can "pass down through the genes." Such claims are not accepted
in behavioral genetics... So while we do inherit our genes, we do not inherit behavior
traits in any fixed sense. The effect of our given set of genes on our behavior is
entirely dependent upon the context of our life as it unfolds day to day."
Source: www.drtraycehansen.com
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